Those in law enforcement say such expenditures are necessary to keep society…that is a problem administrators could change by simply encouraging more prisoners to adjust in positive ways. Prisoners are human beings, and like all people, they respond better to the promise of incentives than to the threat of punishment. If administrators were to implement mechanisms through which prisoners could work toward meaningful lives, more prisoners would feel a sense of self-empowerment. Without that hope, prisoners feel only the weight of their sentences.

Those without a clear understanding of prisons misunderstand the concept of good time. Administrators do not base good time on positive accomplishments. Rather all prisoners who avoid disciplinary infractions receive good time. That means a prisoner who plays dominoes all day earns the same good time as the individual striving to prepare for a law-abiding life. Thus good time fails as an incentive to motivate positive adjustments. It simply rewards an individual for staying out of trouble, which is something he is supposed to do.

I advocate the types of incentives Justice Burger wrote about in his speech Factories with Fences. Prisoners should earn the right to gradual increases in freedom through merit. As they educate themselves, develop vocational skills, build networks of support, demonstrate that they have a commitment to reconciling with society and live by American values, they ought to earn graduating increases in freedom. Such an approach would not diminish the seriousness of crime, but it would instill offenders with a way out from the poverty of their lives. Rather than simply punishing the offenders for breaking the law, society would condition offenders to emerge from prison as productive citizens. Simultaneously, the negative influences of the prison would lose their corrupting power.

Perhaps society should start such a program with nonviolent offenders. Those burdened with life terms would have higher hurdles to cross, and some may never qualify for the higher level of freedom, though I suspect prison reforms ought to include all prisoners in some way.

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Congress has authorized prison wardens to set their own criteria for determining which additional requirements a prisoner must meet for furlough consideration. Furloughs are a privilege, not a right, and many wardens refuse to grant them at all as a matter of policy. Those who do make use of the furlough program would certainly take into account the prisoner’s prior criminal history, his record of prison adjustment, and other factors besides the date of release.

All prisoners who are scheduled to return to society should benefit from furlough access. My position is that society has an inherent interest in helping prisoners build strong community ties. As Congress has found, those prisoners with strong community ties are the least likely to recidivate. Our punitive system, however, is stingy in making use of furlough programs. That is but one of many prison management decisions that contributes to high recidivism rates.

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Those in society may live under the impression that prisoners engage in meaningful work programs. That has not been my experience. Although some prisoners may have the privilege of working in an industries program through which they provide goods and services for society, the vast majority work in makeshift jobs that fail to motivate. Those who work in industries programs, I think, have more successful adjustments. Yet crowded prisons limit thsoe positions to 25 percent of the population. Some prisons, like the one where I am confined, do not offer a prison industries program. Where industries exist, waiting lists can take years before a prisoner becomes eligible.

Since most prisoners do not have access to industries, it’s important to understand how other jobs are assigned. Many are makeshift, like raking dirt pathways to remove footprints. Others are low-level, non-skilled janitorial services. Certainly, prisoners should perform the services to maintain an institution. My contention, however, is if society intends to confine people for years or decades, prisoners ought to have mechanisms through which they can earn access to develop higher skill sets. Those who achieve those higher skills ought to earn access to more fulfilling and meaningful opportunities that reflect their trust and competence. If such mechanisms existed, more prisoners would pursue such routes. My experience has not exposed me to such opportunities, and I believe that flow in the system contributes to high recidivism rates.

Rather than providing meaningful incentives that would encourage positive prison adjustments, administrators eschew policies that would allow prisoners to distinguish themselves from others. Despite efforts a prisoner makes to earn degrees or publish books, administrators do not categorize him any differently from a prisoner who plays dominoes and watches TV. This dehumanizes men, disincentivizes them, and discourages positive growth. High recidivism rates, high operating budgets, and negative prison adjustments result from this fundamentally flawed policy of treating all prisoners alike. It is un-American.

In my case, it has not been prison that encourage positive growth. Rather, a profound sense of remorse for having humiliated my family and community was the impetus for my change. I prayed for guidance and I felt God guiding my prison adjustment. My goal has always been to reconcile with society and inspire my fellow prisoners to join me in making contributions to society. Yet I have felt the prison system resist my prison adjustment rather than encourage my growth. This is not bitterness, but an honest assessment. Despite more than 21 years inside, I live full of optimism and energy. Though I feel prison policies stifling me every day. I do not have any more privileges or opportunities than other prisoners. I simply work harder, as readers may see by reading my prison journal entries. My focus is on preparing for a law-abiding release, though neither prison policies nor prison administrators show encouragement for such an adjustment. All that matters is the turning of calendar pages.

I appreciate the insightful questions Sean Katz asked that inspired this response.

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As the Pew Report shows, 1 in 31 Americans serve under the authority of the criminal justice system. Prisons are not changing these people for the better. Congress has reported on the high recidivism rates that make this clear. We need prison reform to change these dismal results.

By blocking prisoners from nurturing strong family ties, policies in the prison condition the perpetuating cycles of failure. Rather than restricting access to telephone, visiting, and e-mail, administrators ought to encourage prisoners to nurture family ties. Society pays the price with high recidivism rates when administrators hinder prisoners from connecting with family and positive role models.

Prison administrators could encourage more offenders to reform and work toward law-abiding lives if they offered mechanisms through which prisoners could earn gradual increases in freedom. Such mechanisms have not existed in prisons where I have been held. All that has mattered has been the number of calendar pages that turned and the avoidance of disciplinary infractions. Such policies do not encourage money. This is the fundamental flaw that keeps both recidivism rates and prison operating costs high. Prison reforms that offer incentives can persuade more prisoners to adjust in positive ways.

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If a prisoner has a scheduled release date, society has an inherent interest in helping that individual find stability. The prisoner has a responsibility of course. He should work to educate himself, build a network of support, and prepare in every way possible. In light of the Act, administrators ought to encourage him by offering a clear pathway that would show the prisoner what steps he must take to earn maximum halfway house placement. Instead, administrators offer no such guidance. They do not offer a mechanism through which a prisoner can earn maximum placement. Ironically, those who educate themselves and build strong networks of support receive less halfway house, as administrators reason taht such prisoners will require less time to acclimate. Despite my having served more than 21 years, I would not qualify for maximum placement because I have educated myself and built a strong network of support.

I do not know a single prisoner whom administrators have granted 12-months halfway house. But that is only one element of the Act that administrators ignore. The Act also urged administrators to implement programs that would allow prisoners to nurture family ties during imprisonment. Instead, they limit telephone and visiting and correspondence access. Such actions suggest that administrators want to keep prisons humming with high recidivism rates.

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Prison could have a positive influence on offenders, I think, if society used it in moderation. Predatory offenders may require prolonged incarceration to protect society. Yet recently released data that the Pew Report made available suggests that long-term imprisonment has become society’s only tool to respond to criminal offenders. A sledgehammer may be appropriate for tearing down concrete walls, but it’s not effective for building cabinets. Similarly, the prison has its purposes, though I do not think we should rely on it as our only tool.

As the U.S. Sentencing Commission suggests in the report it released earlier this year, society ought to make more use of community-based sanctions when appropriate. Such alternatives to imprisonment are more cost effective for society and they can have a more positive influence on offenders who strive to overcome the struggles of their convictions to lead law-abiding lives.

Prison convinced me that I had to make changes in my life, and I focused on educating myself. After I had served eight years, I had earned both an undergraduate and a graduate degree. I was 31-years-old and I was ready to begin living as a law-abiding citizen in society. Continued incarceration, I believe, was wasting taxpayer money and it was lessening my chances to live as a contributing American. After eight years of imprisonment, the point of continued confinement seemed to diminish. Now I have more than 21 years of prison behind me, and I expect to serve four additional years. I do not see the point, as I no longer feel punished. This life of imprisonment is the only life I know.

Over time, I believe that prison loses its capacity to serve society. It can be useful in tearing down criminal tendencies, though it fails to reform when used to excess.

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Prisoners who spend years or decades inside this system sense the hopelessness. They recognize the administrative indifference to rehabilitation. An individual who strives to educate himself in prison must overcome daily hurdles, as rules block his access rather than encourage him. Besides the obstacles that are ancillary to confinement, prisoners cope with the emotional strain of being separated from loved ones.

Since many prisoners lack the emotional or psychological strength necessary to commit to sustained efforts to prepare for success upon release, and the corrections system offers little in the way of shaping positive prison adjustments, many prisoners fail to acquire the skills or support networks necessary to overcome the challenges that await release. As recidivism rates show, many prisoners return to confinement. It is no accident that their time in corrections has conditioned the prisoners for failure.

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As a spokesperson for prison reform, I would highlight different aspects of confinement than current media likes to portray. I would emphasize the challenges those who strive to prepare for law-abiding lives upon release must overcome. By erecting obstacles that block prisoners from building strong family and community ties; by limited prisoner access to vocational and education programs; and by failing to rely upon mechanisms that would encourage prisoners to work toward earning freedom, prisons perpetuate continuing cycles of failure. Rather than striving to reduce recidivism, corrections uses policies that keep it going.

To promote prison reform, I will strive to work with the media on creating content that profiles those prisoners who have succeeded. They dwarf the number who adjust to prison by joining gangs and hustling contraband. I’d like to contrast the differences and help audiences understand why so few emerge from prison successfully. My experience in navigating prisons of every security level may help me make a persuasive case. Certainly, I also would advocate for reforms to help those who have completed their terms contribute to society in positive ways.

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According to a report published by the U.S. Sentencing Commission, almost half of all the people who are sent to prison lack a high school diploma. The statistics seem to show that while the poor and uneducated are saddled with lengthy prison terms for criminal convictions, our system of justice gives more consideration to the rich and well connected.

My roommate, David, is a poor young man from a Hispanic family. He did not enjoy the life of power and privilege that criminals like Madoff and Libby exploited. David did not graduate high school and he made the bad decision of selling drugs to earn an income. He did not use weapons or violence, and he sold drugs to consenting adults. Yet his lengthy sentence suggests that our system of justice held David, a poor Hispanic man, to a higher standard than it holds the rich. That is an injustice, in my eyes.

Maria Perez is a criminal justice student who asked why I worked to help prisoners like David. As a long-term prisoner, I feel as if I have a responsibility and a duty to help all of my fellow prisoners. This is my calling, my ministry, the way I serve society and serve God. I strive to live as an example inside prison boundaries, and to inspire my fellow prisoners to work toward achieving their highest potential. Also, by writing about the prison system and the people it holds, I hope to apprise citizens of what goes on inside prisons and to influence prison reforms that will improve this wretched system.

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As a long-term prisoner, my experience convinces me that the reasons so many prisoners adjust in ways that fail to prepare them for law-abiding lives upon release may be found in the tactics and strategies of prison management. They extinguish hope. To change the dismal results, we need prison reform that would bring fundamental improvements to prison culture.

Stephanie Kidder, a criminal justice student, asked what sort of incentives I thought would be appropriate to improve our nation’s prison system. The purpose of incentives, I think, ought to focus on inducing prisoners to adjust in ways that will prepare them for the challenges that await their release. Current management practices result in rebellion, defiance, and adjustment patterns that perpetuate cycles of failure. Incentives should not exist to make life easier for prisoners, but to make society safer by lowering both recidivism rates and prison operating costs.

To achieve such an end, the incentives ought to be wide and far reaching. They should provide a mechanism through which all offenders could work toward gradual increases in freedom. That does not mean all offenders can lead a cushy life, but rather that they can improve their existence through merit and positive adjustments.

Some of those incentives would include access to more telephone time, access to more visiting opportunities, access to the use of email and other technologies that may prepare them for release. Congress found through its Second Chance Act that strong networks of community support represent the best probability for success upon release. Administrators ought to offer incentives that prisoners may earn to nurture those ties.

Incentives can lead to a better prison culture. I measure “better” by safer prisons that reduce recidivism and operating costs. Administrators ought to use incentives to create prison cultures where guards can become correctional officers, and thus enjoy more fulfillment from their profession.

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